Medical Care in the Viking Age

Dear Viking Answer Lady:

I have a question about how the Norse would treat wounds and lacerations. In The 13th Warrior" (maybe not the best reference, I know) they used boiled-down cow's urine to keep a wound from getting infected. Other than that I have a hard time finding anything dealing with how the Norse treated their sick, or wounds in particular

(signed) It's Only A Flesh Wound, Really!

Gentle Reader:

We have very little information at all about Viking medical practices. It is thought that women were probably the primary medical practicioners (Foote and Wilson, The Viking Achievement, p. 93). Since women in general are so much in the background in most sagas, you don't see them operating in this role often, and even male physicians don't get much description when they appear. In particular, after Christianity began to appear, men in all European contexts tend to hold the official titles associated with medical roles, although women remained very active as the first line of everyday healthcare in their homes (Ellis-Davidson, Roles of the Northern Goddess, p. 161).

• Trauma and Wound Care
• Herbal Medicine
• Midwives and Childbirth
• Healing Deities
• Runic Inscriptions with Healing Charms and Other Mentions of Medical Care
• Other Northern European Medical Practices
• Bibliography

Trauma and Wound Care

Ólafs saga Helga, a part of Snorri Sturluson's Heimskringla, gives us one of the very few accounts of Viking Age wound treatment in chapter 234:

Þormóður gekk síðan í brott til skemmu nokkurrar, gekk þar inn. Voru þar áður margir menn inni fyrir sárir mjög. Var þar að kona nokkur og batt um sár manna. Eldur var á gólfinu og vermdi hún vatn til að fægja sárin. En Þormóður settist niður við dyr utar. Þar gekk annar maður út en annar inn, þeir er störfuðu að sárum manna. Þá sneri einnhver að Þormóði og sá á hann og mælti síðan: "Hví ertu svo fölur? Ertu sár eða fyrir hví biður þú þér eigi lækningar?" Þormóður kvað þá vísu:    Emka eg rjóðr, en rauðum    ræðr grönn Skögul manni    hauka setrs hin hvíta.    Hyggr fár um mig sáran.    Hitt veldr mér að, meldrar    morðvenjandi Fenju,    djúp og danskra vopna    dals hríðar spor svíða. Síðan stóð Þormóður upp og gekk inn að eldinum og stóð þar um hríð. Þá mælti læknirinn til hans: "Þú, maður, gakk út og tak mér skíðin er hér liggja fyrir durum úti." Hann gekk út, bar inn skíðafangið og kastaði niður á gólfið. Þá sá læknirinn í andlit honum og mælti: "Furðu bleikur er þessi maður. Hví ertu slíkur?" Þá kvað Þormóður:    Undrast öglis landa    eik hví vér róm bleikir.    Fár verðr fagr af sárum.    Fann eg örvadrif, svanni.    Mik fló málmr hinn klökkvi,    magni keyrðr, í gegnum.    Hvasst beit hjarta hið næsta    hættlegt járn er eg vætti.     Þá mælti læknirinn: "Láttu mig sjá sár þín og mun eg veita umbönd." Síðan settist hann niður og kastaði klæðum af sér. En er læknir sá sár hans þá leitaði hún um það sár er hann hafði á síðunni, kenndi þess að þar stóð járn í en það vissi hún eigi til víss hvert járnið hafði snúið. Hún hafði þar gert í steinkatli, stappað lauk og önnur grös og vellt það saman og gaf að eta hinum sárum mönnum og reyndi svo hvort þeir hefðu holsár, því að kenndi af laukinum út úr sári því er á hol var. Hún bar það að Þormóði, bað hann eta. Hann svarar: "Ber brott. Ekki hefi eg grautsótt." Síðan tók hún spennitöng og vildi draga út járnið en það var fast og gekk hvergi, stóð og lítið út því að sárið var sollið. Þá mælti Þormóður: "Sker þú til járnsins svo að vel megi ná með tönginni, fá mér síðan og lát mig kippa." Hún gerði sem hann mælti. Þá tók Þormóður gullhring af hendi sér og fékk lækninum, bað hana gera af slíkt er hún vildi. "Góður er nautur að," segir hann," Ólafur konungur gaf mér hring þenna í morgun." Síðan tók Þormóður töngina og kippti á brott örinni. En þar voru á krókar og lágu þar á tágar af hjartanu, sumar rauðar, sumar hvítar, og er hann sá það mælti hann: "Vel hefir konungurinn alið oss. Feitt er mér enn um hjartarætur." Síðan hné hann aftur og var þá dauður. Lýkur þar frá Þormóði að segja.

[Thormod went out, and entered into a chamber apart, in which there were many wounded men, and with them a woman binding their wounds. There was fire upon the floor, at which she warmed water to wash and clean their wounds. Thormod sat himself down beside the door, and one came in, and another went out, of those who were busy about the wounded men. One of them turned to Thormod, looked at him, and said, "Why art thou so dead-pale? Art thou wounded? Why dost thou not call for the help of the wound- healers?" Thormod then sang these verses: --    "Not ruddy am I: and red cheeks,    ring-dight slender woman,    has your husband. No one heeds    my grievous wounds, though.    Pale I am with pangs of    pain, scatterer-thou-of-    gold, from deep wounds deadly    Danish arrows gave me." Then Thormod stood up and went in towards the fire, and stood there awhile. The young woman said to him, "Go out, man, and bring in some of the split firewood which lies close beside the door." He went out and brought in an armful of wood, which he threw down upon the floor. Then the nurse-girl looked him in the face, and said, "Dreadfully pale is this man -- why art thou so?" Then Thormod sang:    "Wonders the woman why so    wan the tree-of-combat    ("warrior").    Few from wounds grow fair-hued:    found me the flight of arrows.    The ice-cold iron,    linen-elm ("woman"),    flew through my middle.    Hard by my heart, think I,    hit me, the baleful weapon." The girl said, "Let me see thy wound, and I will bind it." Thereupon Thormod sat down, cast off his clothes, and the girl saw his wounds, and examined that which was in his side, and felt that a piece of iron was in it, but could not find where the iron had gone in. In a stone pot she had stirred together leeks and other herbs, and boiled them, and gave the wounded men of it to eat, by which she discovered if the wounds had penetrated into the belly; for if the wound had gone so deep, it would smell of leek. She brought some of this now to Thormod, and told him to eat of it. He replied, "Take it away, I have no appetite for my broth." Then she took a large pair of tongs, and tried to pull out the iron; but it sat too fast, and would in no way come, and as the wound was swelled, little of it stood out to lay hold of. Now said Thormod, "Cut so deep in that thou canst get at the iron with the tongs, and give me the tongs and let me pull." She did as he said. Then Thormod took a gold ring from his hand, gave it to the nurse-woman, and told her to do with it what she liked. "It is a good man's gift," said he: "King Olaf gave me the ring this morning." Then Thormod took the tongs, and pulled the iron out; but on the iron there was a hook, at which there hung some morsels of flesh from the heart, -- some white, some red. When he saw that, he said, "The king has fed us well. I am fat, even at the heart-roots;" and so saying he leant back, and was dead. And with this ends what we have to say about Thormod.]

Njáls saga ch. 57 introduces Hildigunnr, daughter of Starkaðr, and gives her name as Hildigunnr læknir, "Hildegunnr the Healer". Some chapters later, she is shown binding the wounds of her father and brother:

Starkaðr kom og heim og græddi Hildigunnr sár þeirra Þorgeirs og mælti: 'Yður væri mikið gefanda til að þér hefðuð ekki illt átt við Gunnar.' 'Svo væri það,' segir Starkaðr.

[When Starkað and Thorgeirr reached home, Hildigunnr treated their wounds and said, 'You would give a lot now, never to have molested Gunnar.' 'Yes, indeed,' said Starkað.]

Harðar saga og Hólmverja ch. 25 calls Helga í Geirshólmi læknir góður, "a good healer". Another woman named "the healer" is Álfgerðr læknir of Droplaugarsona saga:

Another woman doctor (læknir) is mentioned in Droplaugarsona Saga. When Helgi, one of the famous brothers in the saga, was killed in battle along with his brother Thorkell and several other men, his brother Grim was severely wounded and thought to be dead. Their aunt Groa came out to meet those bringing back the dead and wounded, and thought Grim might be still alive. She announced that she and her son would watch over the bodies that night, and while people slept she went to find Alfgerd the doctor, and brought her back with her. The bodies of Helgi and Thorkell were prepared for burial next morning, and it was thought that Grim was laid in the mound with them, but he was taken away secretly by Alfgerd after she had attended to his wounds, to prevent news of his survival reaching his enemies. He spent the winter recovering and then stayed some years with a kinsman in another part of the country, finally returning to slay the man who had killed his brother Helgi.

Grim's own death came about when another woman claiming to be a doctor came to tend a wound in his foot which had turned septic. She bound it up and went away, but it became worse and finally caused his death. It was later discovered that this was a woman skilled in magic, the concubine of an evil Viking whom Grim had killed in a duel. (Ellis-Davidson, Roles of the Northern Goddess, p. 162)

This second woman who bound Grímr's wounds was Gefjun in fjölkunnga. Gefjun's byname means "the full-cunning", thus "one who is skilled in magic", which suggests that part of her healing technique may have been magical, or, as Ellis-Davidson suggests above, it may be that Gefjun was not skilled as a healer at all, but set out from the start to do Grímr harm.

Sometimes men treated wounds, especially on the battlefield, and reports of this in the Norse literature increase with the advent of Christianity. Eyrbyggja saga ch. 45 recounts how Snorri goði treated men after a battle:

Síðan voru Þorbrandssynir færðir heim til Helgafells og bundin sár þeirra. Þóroddr Þorbrandsson hafði svo mikið sár aftan á hálsinn að hann hélt eigi höfðinu. Hann var í leistabrókum og voru votar allar af blóðinu. Heimamaðr Snorra goða skyldi draga af honum. Og er hann skyldi kippa brókinni fékk hann eigi af honum komið. Þá mælti hann: "Eigi er það logið af yður Þorbrandssonum er þér eruð sundurgerðamenn miklir að þér hafið klæði svo þröng að eigi verður af yður komið." Þóroddr mælti: "Vantekið mun á vera." Eftir það spyrnti sá öðrum fæti í stokkinn og togaði af öllu afli og gekk eigi af brókin. Þá gekk til Snorri goði og þreifaði um fótinn og fann að spjót stóð í gegnum fótinn milli hásinarinnar og fótleggsins og hafði níst allt samt, fótinn og brókina. Mælti Snorri þá að hann væri eigi meðalsnápur að hann hafði eigi hugsað slíkt. Snorri Þorbrandsson var hressastur þeirra bræðra og sat undir borði hjá nafna sínum um kveldið og höfðu þeir skyr og ost. Snorri goði fann að nafni hans bargst lítt við ostinn og spurði hví hann mataðist svo seint. Snorri Þorbrandsson svaraði og sagði að lömbunum væri tregast um átið fyrst er þau eru nýkefld. Þá þreifaði Snorri goði um kverkurnar á honum og fann að ör stóð um þverar kverkurnar og í tunguræturnar. Tók Snorri goði þá spennitöng og kippti brott örinni og eftir það mataðist hann. Snorri goði græddi þá alla, Þorbrandssonu. Og er hálsinn Þórodds tók að gróa stóð höfuðið gneipt af bolnum nokkuð svo. Þá segir Þóroddur að Snorri vildi græða hann að örkumlamanni en Snorri goði kvaðst ætla að upp mundi hefja höfuðið þá er sinarnar hnýtti. En Þóroddur vildi eigi annað en aftur væri rifið sárið og sett höfuðið réttara. En þetta fór sem Snorri gat að þá er sinarnar hnýtti hóf upp höfuðið og mátti hann lítt lúta jafnan síðan. Þorleifr kimbi gekk alla stund síðan við tréfót.

[Then were Thorbrand's sons brought home to Helgafell and their wounds bound up. Thoroddr Thorbrandson had so great a wound in the back of his neck that he might not hold his head straight; he had on hose-breeches, and they were all wet with blood. A home-man of Snorri goði was about pulling them off; but when he fell to stripping them he could not get them off. Then he said: "No lie is that concerning you sons of Thorbrand, when folk say you are showy men, when you wear clothes so tight that they may not come off you." Thoroddr said: "It is more that you pull slovenly." And then the home-man set his feet against the bed-stock and pulled with all his might, but yet gat them off nonetheless. Then Snorri goði went there, and felt along his leg, and found a spear stuck through his leg between the hough sinew and the leg bone, that had nailed together the leg and the breeches. Then said Snorri that the thrall was a measureless fool not to have thought of such a thing. Snorri Thorbrandson was the briskest of those brothers, and he sat at table beside his namesake that evening. Curds and cheese they had to eat, but Snorri noted that his namesake made but little play with the cheese, and asked why he ate so slowly. Snorri Thorbrandson answered that lambs found it the hardest to eat when they were first gagged. Then Snorri goði drew his hand down his throat, and found an arrow sticking athwart his gullet and the roots of the tongue. Then Snorri goði took drawing-tongs and pulled out the arrow, and then Snorri Thorbrandson fell to his meat. Then Snorri goði healed all the sons of Thorbrand. But when Thoroddr's neck grew together his head sat somewhat drawn backwards on his trunk, and he said that Snorri would heal him into a maimed man. Snorri said that he deemed the head would come straight when the sinews were knit together; but Thoroddr would have nought but that the wound should be torn open again, and the head set straighter. But all went as Snorri had guessed, and as soon as the sinews were knit together the head came right; yet little might Thoroddr bow ever after. Thorleifr kimbi thenceforth went mostly with wooden leg.]

Another man mentioned as performing medical treatment for battle-wounds was Bersi á Laugabóli, who bound the wounds of Þormóðar in Fóstbræðra saga ch. 10 and was said to be læknir góður, "a good healer". Þorvarðr á Síreksstöðum was called bestur læknir þar í héraði, "the best healer in the district" in Vopnfirðinga saga ch. 14. In Ljósvetninga saga ch. 24, a man is shown with the byname of "healer", Þorvarðr læknir.

Although men did practice battle-field medical treatment, they may not have received much in the way of training for this task other than what they acquired by doing the job. For example, ch. 28 of Magnúss saga góða, part of Snorri Sturluson's Heimskringla, says:

Eftir orustu lét Magnús konungur binda sár sinna manna en læknar voru ekki svo margir í herinum sem þá þurfti. Þá gekk konungur til þeirra manna er honum sýndist og þreifaði um hendur þeim. En er hann tók í lófana og strauk um þá nefndi hann til tólf menn, þá er honum sýndist sem mjúkhendastir mundu vera og segir að þeir skyldu binda sár manna en engi þeirra hafði fyrr sár bundið. En allir þessir urðu hinir mestu læknar. Þar voru tveir íslenskir menn. Var annar Þorkell Geirason af Lyngum, annar Atli faðir Bárðar svarta í Selárdal og komu frá þeim margir læknar síðan.

[After the battle the king ordered the wounds of his men to be bound; but there were not so many doctors in the army as were necessary, so the king himself went round, and felt the hands of those he thought best suited for the business; and when he had thus stroked their palms, he named twelve men, who, he thought, had the softest hands, and told them to bind the wounds of the people; and although none of them had ever tried it before, they all became afterwards the best of doctors. There were two Iceland men among them; the one was Thorkell, a son of Geirr, from Lyngar; the other was Atli, father of Bárðr svarti of Selárdal, from whom many good doctors are descended.]

Wound treatment is the area of Viking Age healthcare most often depicted and discussed, not only because of the emphasis on conflict and battles in Norse literature, but also because the Scandinavian legal system based compensation for victims on the specific size and nature of the wound:

The laws also show a marked interest in wounds because the compensation payable was carefully graduated according to the nature and size of the injury, which limb was lost, and the degree of disfigurement by scar or discolouring suffered as a result. Payment to a physician is frequently an obligatory addition to the atonement. In the laws of Vastergotland and Ostergotland, for example, a 'full wound' is counted one that needs 'ointment and bandage, linen and doctor's fee'; and a section in the Frostathing Law reads like this:

Now bone-payment is payable wherever a bone comes loose from a wound, though it be very small, as long as it rattles [when shaken] in a shield, then one eyrir must be forthcoming. One eyrir is to be paid for each bone up to six, but if so big a bone is removed that six holes can be bored in it, then six aurar are to be paid, but bone-payment is never bigger than six aurar. But if a wound needs cauterizing, then the 'lip-twisting' eyrir is payable, and the same is payable every time cauterizing is necessary. But as physician's fee one eyrir is to be paid every month, and two-months' worth of flour and two of butter. He who did the wounding must pay.

(Foote and Wilson, The Viking Achievement, pp. 92-93)

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Herbal Medicine

There is very little recorded about plants used as medicinals during the Viking Age. The first herbals and other medical texts were not produced until the 13th and 14th centuries, after the introduction of Christianity, and all show a marked influence of Continental European beliefs and practices about medicine, herbalism, and healing, particularly the "four humors" theories of the medical school at Salerno, Italy, ultimately based on the works of the Greek physican Galen and on Arabic medicine from Avicenna.

Perhaps the earliest herbal text produced in Scandinavia was the Urtebogen or Liber Herbarum ("The Book of Herbs") of Master Henrik Harpestreng (d. 1244) from Roskilde in Denmark. Harpestreng's herbal contains translations from Macer's De Viribus Herbarum (ca. 1090) and De Gradibus Liber by Constantinus Africanus (1050, Salerno).

Nonetheless, certainly individual physicians and healers in the Viking Age knew of herbal remedies, some empirically effective, others believed to have effectiveness through their magical properties. One herb used extensively in Scandinavia both in cooking and also prized for its medicinal qualities was hvönn (Angelica officinalis).

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Midwives and Childbirth

Old Norse literature is generally quite reticent about issues of reproduction and any medical issues which might accompany a pregnancy. Women were the only care-givers at a birth, and a midwife or official witness of a birth was termed bjargrýgr, "helping-woman". A description of the little that is known about childbirth during the Viking Age is summarized by Jenny Jochens:

"The birth itself was expressed in the image of the woman 'becoming lighter' (verða léttari). What little is revealed about the birth process suggests that delivery techniques were universal and changed little over time. Only women were present. The normal birth position was for the woman to kneel on the floor, with helpers ready at her knees or supporting her arms. As the birth progressed, she would shift to a knee-elbow position, and the child would be received from behind. Runes and songs were offered as age-old remedies for difficult births, probably performed by a helping woman (bjargrýgr) trained through experience and apprenticeship. Although the sagas of Icelanders report surprisingly few cases of death in childbirth and no difficult births, the miracles performed by Icelandic saints narrate many realistic stories of prolonged and difficult births, dismemberment of infants, and problems with lactation." (Women in Old Norse Society, p. 80)

The assistance rendered by the bjargrýgr or midwife went beyond the basic mechanics of delivery. The "helping-woman" was also responsible for magical assistance to ease the birth, as described in the Eddaic poem Oddrúnargrátr (The Lament of Oddrún):

"Hér liggr Borgný of borin verkjum, vina þín, Oddrún, vittu, ef þú hjalpir." ... Þær hykk mæltu þvígit fleira, gekk mild fyr kné meyju at sitja; ríkt gól Oddrún, rammt gól Oddrún bitra galdra at Borgnýju. Knátti mær ok mögr moldveg sporna, börn þau in blíðu við bana Hagna; þat nam at mæla mær fjörsjúka, svá at hon ekki kvað orð it fyrra: "Svá hjalpi þér hollar véttir, Frigg ok Freyja ok fleiri goð, sem þú feldir mér fár af höndum."

["Here lies Borgný with pains over-borne, thy friend, Oddrún! See if you can help her." ... They, I know, spoke not more than this: kindly she went to sit at the maid's knee. Strongly Oddrún sang, powerfully Oddrún sang, bitter galdr-songs for Borgný. A boy and maid-child (twins) might then tread the mould-way, blithe babes, born of Högni's bane; then began to speak the death-sick maid, who before had no word uttered. "May all the kindly beings help you Frigg and Freyja and more of the gods as you warded away that dangerous illness from me."]

Bjargrúnar skaltu kunna, ef þú bjarga vilt ok leysa kind frá konum; á lófum þær skal rista ok of liðu spenna ok biðja þá dísir duga.

[Helping-runes you must know if you want to assist and release children from women; they shall be cut on the palms and clasped on the joints and then the dísir ("goddess") is asked for help.]

There are other words in Old Icelandic for "midwife", but most if not all seem to have emerged after the end of the Viking Age:

• jóðmóðir: Literally 'baby-mother', but meaning 'midwife'. Modern Swedish, Norwegian, and Danish all have words for 'midwife' that may derive from jóðmóðir
  
  
• léttakona: Literally 'lightening woman', but it means 'midwife'. Found in an Icelandic life of Thomas à Becket.
  
  
• ljósmóðir: Literally 'light-mother', but synonymous with and the original form of ljósa (see below). Found in the Guðbrandsbiblia, the first printed Icelandic Bible, which was printed in 1584.
  
  
• ljósa: Really 'a nurse or foster-mother', but such women were usually midwives; a shortening of ljósmóðir.
  
  
• náverukona: The literal sense is 'woman who is near, woman who is present', but it means 'midwife'. Found in a 13th century compilation.
  
  
• nærkona: Literally either 'woman who nurses or nourishes' or 'nearby woman', but it means 'midwife'. Occurs in a letter from 1541 and in the 13th century compilation mentioned above.
  
  
• yfirsetukona: Literally 'sitting-over woman', but it means 'midwife', and the term yfirseta is 'midwifery'. Occurs in a letter from 1541 and in the 13th century compilation mentioned above.

(Scott, Brian M. "Re: Old Norse / Icelandic word required". alt.heraldry.sca Newsgroup. 11 Jan 2004).

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Healing Deities

The goddess Eir was in charge of healing. Eir is only briefly mentioned in the Prose Edda, compiled by Icelander Snorri Sturluson a couple of centuries after the end of the Viking Age. In the portion of the Prose Edda called Gylfaginning (The Deluding of Gylfi) in chapter 35, Snorri says:

Þá mælti Gangleri: "Hverjar eru ásynjurnar?" Hár segir: "Frigg er æðst. Hún á þann bæ er Fensalir heita og er hann allveglegur. Önnur er Sága. Hún býr á Sökkvabekk og er það mikill staður. Þriðja er Eir. Hún er læknir bestur.

[Gangleri asked: Which are the goddesses? Har answered: Frigg is the first. She possesses the right lordly dwelling which is called Fensalir. The second is Saga, who dwells in Sokkvabekk, and this is a large dwelling. The third is Eir. She is the best of all physicians.]

Later in the Prose Edda, in the section called Skaldskarpamal (Poetic Diction) chapter 75, the name Eir is listed among the valkyries:

Enn eru aðrar Óðins meyjar: Hildr ok Göndul, Hlökk, Mist, Skögul, þá es Hrund ok Eir, Hrist, Skuld talið. Nornir heita,þær es nauð skapa...

[There are yet others, Odinn's maids, Hild and Göndul, Hlökk, Mist, Skögul, Then are listed Hrund and Eir, Hrist, Skuld. They are called Norns who shape necessity...]

Not only would a physician-goddess be useful in dealing with wounds, Eir's connection with the valkyries is a clue as to how physicians were viewed in regards to fate, helping select those who would live, aided by their skills, and those who would die because they were beyond the physician's skills and resources to heal.

Eir's name is mentioned in one other place, the Eddaic poem Fjölsvinnsmál, which is usually included with another poem in a compilation called Svipdagsmál. This poem is very late. It is known only from paper manuscripts dating from seventeenth century or later, and internal constructions in the poetry suggest to scholars that the date of composition was likewise very late. Still, it reflects the statements made by Snorri, telling of the goddess Eir as a handmaiden-goddess, this time to a greater goddess called Mengloð (Necklace-Glad), who is usually seen as Frigg:

Vindkaldr kvað: "Segðu mér þat, Fjölsviðr! er ek þik fregna mun ok ek vilja vita: hvat þat bjarg heitir, ver ek sé brúði á þjóðmæra þruma?" Fjölsviðr kvað: "Lyfjaberg þat heitir, en þat hefir lengi verit sjúkum ok sárum gaman; heil verðr hver, þótt hafi árs sótt, ef þat klífr, kona." Vindkaldr kvað: "Segðu mér þat, Fjölsviðr! er ek þik fregna mun ok ek vilja vita: vat þær meyjar heita, er fyr Menglaðar knjám sitja sáttar saman?" Fjölsviðr kvað: "Hlíf heitir, önnur Hlífþrasa, þriðja Þjóðvarta, Björt ok Blíð, Blíðr, Fríð, Eir ok Örboða." Vindkaldr kvað: "Segðu mér þat, Fjölsviðr! er ek þik fregna mun ok ek vilja vita: hvart þær bjarga þeim er blóta þær, ef görask þarfar þess?" Fjölsviðr kvað: "[Bjarga] svinnar, hvar er menn blóta þær á stallhelgum stað; eigi svá hátt forað kemr at hölða sonum, hvern þær ór nauðum nema."

Svipdag spoke: "Now answer me, Fjölsviðr, the question I ask, For now the truth would I know: What call they the mountain on which the maid Is lying so lovely to see?" Fjölsviðr spoke: "Lyfjaberg (Healing Mountain) is it, and long shall it be A joy to the sick and the sore; For well shall grow each woman who climbs it, Though sick full long she has lain." Svipdag spoke: "Now answer me, Fjölsviðr, the question I ask, For now the truth would I know: What maidens are they that at Menglað's knees Are sitting so gladly together?" Fjölsviðr spoke: "Hlíf (Helper) is one named, Hlífþrasa (Help-Breather) another, Þjóðvarta (Folk-Guardian) call they the third; Björt (Shining) and Blíð (White), Blíðr (Blithe) and Fríð (Peaceful), Eir and Örboða (Gold-Giver)." Svipdag spoke: "Now answer me, Fjölsviðr, the question I ask, For now the truth would I know: Aid bring they to all who offerings give, If need be found therefor?" Fjölsviðr spoke: "Soon aid they all who offerings give On the holy altars high; And if danger they see for the sons of men, Then each from ill do they guard."]

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Other gods could also be called upon for healing, being invoked in charms and probably prayers. The Second Merseberg Charm, an incantation recorded in 10th century Old High German, is an example of the type of magical healing practice in use across the Indo-European world, and hints at the type of charm the Vikings likely used. Variants of this same charm have been found as early as Vedic literature (ca. 500 BC), while others have been preserved in England, Scotland, Germany, Denmark, Norway, Sweden, the Netherlands, Estonia, Finland and Hungary.

Phol ende Uuodan vuoron zi holza.
dû uuart demo Balders volon sîn vuoz birenkit.
thû biguol en Sinthgunt, Sunna era suister;
thû biguol en Frîia, Volla era suister;
thû biguol en Uuodan, sô hê uuola conda:
sôse bênrenkî,
sôse bluotrenkî,
sôse lidirenkî:
bên zi bêna, bluot zi bluoda,
lid zi geliden,
sôse gelîmida sîn!

[Phol and Wotan went to the woods;
then Balder's horse had sprained its foot.
So sang Sinthgunt, and Sunna her sister;
so sang Frija, and Folla her sister;
so sang Wotan, as he well could:
Be it bone-sprain,
be it blood-sprain,
be it limb-sprain:
bone to bone,
blood to blood,
limb to limb,
so that they linked be!]

While a specific Old Norse example has not been discovered, it is quite likely that a very similar charm would have been known and used in the Viking World (Storms, Anglo-Saxon Magic, pp. 108-113).

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Runic Inscriptions with Healing Charms and Other Mentions of Medical Care

The sagas and Eddas mention the use of runes as tools in healing. "The very word rúna meant 'secret' and the letters were thought as originating from the gods to special persons, who were said to ráða rúnom, 'to rule and to master the secret letters'. The word ráða thus implies a special knowledge, which means that the runes had to be understood by the magician or the healer" (Näaström, "Healing Hands and Magical Spells", p. 361).

A famous example of the use (and misuse) of runes in healing comes from Egils saga Skallagrímssonar ch. 72:

Og er þeir Egill sátu og mötuðust, þá sá Egill, að kona sjúk lá í þverpallinum; Egill spurði Þorfinn, hver kona sú væri, er þar var svo þunglega haldin. Þorfinnur segir, að hún hét Helga og var dóttir hans - 'hefir hún haft langan vanmátt,' og það var kröm mikil; fékk hún enga nótt svefn og var sem hamstoli væri. 'Hefir nokkurs í verið leitað,' segir Egill, 'um mein hennar?' Þorfinnur segir: 'Ristnar hafa verið rúnar, og er sá einn bóndason héðan skammt í brott, er það gerði, og er síðan miklu verr en áður, eða kanntu, Egill, nokkuð gera að slíkum meinum?' Egill segir: 'Vera kann, að ekki spillist við, þó að eg komi til.' Og er Egill var mettur, gekk hann þar til, er konan lá, og ræddi við hana; hann bað þá hefja hana úr rúminu og leggja undir hana hrein klæði, og nú var svo gert. Síðan rannsakaði hann rúmið, er hún hafði hvílt í, og þar fann hann tálkn, og voru þar á rúnarnar. Egill las þær, og síðan telgdi hann af rúnarnar og skóf þær í eld niður; hann brenndi tálknið allt og lét bera vind í klæði þau, er hún hafði haft áður. Þá kvað Egill:    Skalat maðr rúnar rísta,    nema ráða vel kunni,    þat verðr mörgum manni,    es of myrkvan staf villisk;    sák á telgðu talkni    tíu launstafi ristna,    þat hefr lauka lindi    langs ofrtrega fengit. Egill reist rúnar og lagði undir hægindið í hvíluna, þar er hún hvíldi; henni þótti sem hún vaknaði úr svefni og sagði, að hún var þá heil, en þó var hún máttlítil, en faðir hennar og móðir urðu stórum fegin; bauð Þorfinnur, að Egill skyldi þar hafa allan forbeina, þann er hann þóttist þurfa.

[While Egil and the others sat eating, Egil saw that a woman who was ill was lying on the cross-bench at the end of the room. Egil asked Thorfinn who this woman was that suffered so much. Thorfinn said that she was called Helga and was his daughter. 'She has had a long illness and is wasting away. She never sleeps at night, and is not in her right mind.' 'Has anything been done for her illness?' said Egil. Thorfinn said, 'Runes have been carved. The man who did that was a farmer's son from not far away. After that it was much worse than before. Do you, Egil, know anything about such illnesses?' Egil said, 'Perhaps it won't get worse if I take a look.' When Egil had finished eating he went to where the woman lay and spoke to her. He told them to take her from the bed and to spread clean sheets under her which was done. Then he went through the bed on which she had been lying and he found a piece of whalebone with runes carved on it. Egil read these and then he erased the runes, scraping them into the fire. He burned the entire piece of whalebone, and had all the bedclothes she had used carried out into the wind. Then Egil said:    No man    should notch a rune-    not without knowing how    to control it. Carved lines    can muddle meddling men.    I counted ten crude runes    cut in that piece of bone.    They've done damage    to your daughter's    health all this time. Egil carved runes and placed them under the pillow in the bed where she lay. It seemed to her as though she woke from sleep, and then she said that she was well, though she was still weak.

There are several surviving runic inscriptions related to healing, medicine and disease.

Skull Fragment With Runic Healing Spell. Ribe, Jylland, Denmark. (Viking Age, c. 800) DR EM85;151B $ §P ulfuR Auk uþin Auk HutiuR ' HiAlb buris ' uiþR þAiMA uiArki Auk tuirkuniG buur §Q ulfuR Auk uþin Auk HutiuR ' HiAlb buri (i)s uiþR þAimA uiArki Auk tuirkuniu buur §R ulfuR Auk uþin Auk HutiuR ' HiAlb buri (i)s uiþR þAiMA uiArki Auk tuirk unin buur [DR EM85;151B $ §P Ulfr and Óðinn and Hydyr ... ... against that pain and ... ... §Q Ulfúrr and Óðinn and Hátyr are help for Burr against these: pain and dwarfstroke. Burr. §R Ulfr and Óðinn and Há-<tiuR>. Help is <buri> against that pain. And the dwarf (is) conquered. Bour(r).]

Click on image to enlarge

An Amulet from Sigtuna, Uppland, Sweden (Viking Age, ca. 1000) U AST1;172 M (U Fv1933;134) §A þurs| × |sarriþu × þursa trutin fliu þu nu f=untin is §B af þiR þriaR þraR ulf × af þiR niu nøþiR ulfR × ikiR þik ikiR auk ik uniR ulfr niut lufia [U AST1;172 M (U Fv1933;134) §A Spectre of the giants, lord of the giants! Flee now! You are found. §B Have for yourself three pangs, Wolf! Have for yourself nine needs, Wolf! <ikiR þik ikiR auk ik uniR>, Wolf. Make good use of the healing(-charm)!] Bone from Fishamble Street, Dublin, Ireland (Viking Age) IR10 §AP (s)(a)- riti sanat kaolu a=mn -... §AQ (s)(a)- rit is anat i saolu a=mn -... §AR (s)(a)- riti| |is a| |an ati saolu a=mn -... §B a(i)kua(i)tu [IR10 §AP ... by writing heals the crazy woman. Amen ... §AQ ... writing is something different in the soul. Amen ... §AR let ... write who owns and experienced happiness/luck. Amen ...]

Even after the end of the Viking Age, when Christianity had taken hold throughout Scandinavia, runic methods of healing continued in use, and may shed some light on earlier practices:

Bergen, Norway (ca. 1248) N 604 M §A d=ucite ÷ diskrete : uita=m ÷ ku=e ÷ --(n)-... §B uæst=ra ÷ salus ÷ mete : siþ : næcia : ... The runes record Latin text: §A ducite discrete vitam, que ... §B vestra salus mete sit nescia ... [N 604 M §A Lead a life discreetly, which ... §B May your (good) health know no bounds ..........] Ribe, Jylland, Denmark (1300, post-Viking Age) This runic healing spell has resemblances to the one mentioned in Egils saga Skallagímssonar (above): This story can be associated with an archaeological find, a lyfstav "a medicine wand", from Ribe, a spell to help those who suffer from "the shivering disease", i.e. malaria, depicted in runes. The spell starts by calling on the earth, the heavens, the Virgin Mary and God the King in a stanza built on the metre of fornyrðislag to lend the evoking one healing hands and the tongue of life, after which the charm turns into a conjuration by which the disease is to be exorcised. The feeling of a pre-Christian belief in these lines, where both heaven and earth are invoked together with the holiest powers of Christianity, is stressed by an obscure sentence about ni : nouðr, "nine misfortunes" or, more plausibly, nine coercive powers. They lie on a stone, designated as black and standing in the sea, and they will neither sleep well nor waken warmly until the patient has recovered from his illness. (Näaström, "Healing Hands and Magical Spells", p. 361) DR EM85;493 M §A + io=rþ ÷ biþ a=k ÷ ua=rþæ ÷ o=k ÷ uphimæn ÷ so=l ÷ o=k ÷ sa=nt=æ maria ÷ o=k ÷ salfæn ÷ gud| |drotæn ÷ þæt han ÷ læ mik ÷ læknæs÷ha=nd ÷ o=k lif÷tuggæ ÷ at= =liuæ §B uiuindnæ ÷ þær ÷ botæ ÷ þa=rf ÷ or ÷ ba=k ÷ o=k or brRst ÷ or lækæ ÷ o=k or lim ÷ or øuæn ÷ o=k or øræn ÷ or ÷ a=llæ þe ÷ þær ÷ ilt ÷ kan i at §C kumæ ÷ suart ÷ hetær ÷ sten ÷ ha=n ÷ stær ÷ i ÷ hafæ ÷ utæ ÷ þær ÷ ligær ÷ a ÷ þe ÷ ni ÷ no=uþær ÷ þær ÷ l---r(a) ÷ (þ)en-nþþæþeskulhuærki §D skulæ ÷ huærki ÷ søtæn ÷ sofæ ÷ æþ ÷ uarmnæn ÷ uakæ ÷ førr æn ÷ þu ÷ þæssa ÷ bot ÷ biþær ÷ þær ÷ a=k o=rþ ÷ at kæþæ ÷ ro=nti ÷ amæn ÷ o=k þæt ÷ se + [DR EM85;493 M §A I pray Earth to guard and High Heaven, the sun and Saint Mary and Lord God himself, that he grant me medicinal hands and healing tongue to heal §B the shivering-disease when a cure is needed. From back and from breast, from body and from limb, from eyes and from ears, from wherever evil can §C enter. A stone is called Svart[r] (black), it stands out in the sea, there lie upon it nine needs, who ... ... §D shall neither sleep sweetly nor wake warmly until you pray this cure which I have proclaimed in runic words. Amen and so be it.......] Bergen, Norway (ca. 1300, post-Viking Age) N 608 M §A midet ÷ h(u)c §B (i)on : The runes record Latin text: §A medeor(?) huic(?) §B Jón [N 608 M §A Heal this(?). §B Jón(?)] Bergen, Norway (After 1332, post-Viking Age) N 632 M §A ÷ in nomne (p)at=ric æ=þ fi(l)i æ=þ cprit=uc| |ca=nti am=en : surraa §B pia sruc æ=þ pasio sricte ??i m(a) pacmauit æ=þ casrobat §C ?(a)=l(r) ?i?(e) (d)(e)i cin medisina cin medisina mii o §D cagine la=uit febrac (a)(d)(i)(k)oui(a)(d) fu(i) (m)(a) uecca=re lr The runes record Latin text: §A In nomine patris et filii et spiritus sancti, amen. Currat(?) §B pia crux et passio Christe, qui me plasmavit et sacrabat §C Vulnera quinque Dei sint medicina. Sint medicina mei ... §D sangvine lavit. Febres depellat qui me vexare laborant. [N 632 M §A In the name of the Father and of the Son and of the Holy Spirit, Amen <currat> §C May God's Five Wounds be (my) medicine. May my medicine be §B Holy Cross and Christ's passion. He who moulded and washed me §D with Holy Blood. May he expel the fever which strives to torment me.(?)] Bergen, Norway (After 1332, post-Viking Age) N 633 M §A ? uiþauhum : to=bias : sannat : okulus : istas ominnis f(a)-?fau?fao?? §B sidra=k : missa=k : æ=þ og : benagog myl o=gum : eomos uiþb(l)o=þ [N 633 M §A For the eyes. Tobias heals the eyes of this person. ... §B Shadrach, Meschach and Abdenago ... ... ... ...] Lon Church, Oppland, Norway (Medieval, post-Viking Age) N A77 M §A kyr(e)r(o)ta ioha=nnæs §B marcus §C lucas matþias pax §D porta=ndis salus The runes record Latin text: §A ... Johannes, §B Marcus, §C Lucas, Matthias/Matthæus. Pax §D portanti! Salus [N A77 M §A ... John, §B Mark, §C Luke, Matthew. Peace §D for the bearer! Health! (and happiness to the bearer)!.(?)]

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Other Northern European Medical Practices

The best information we have about northern European medical practices comes from Old English leechbooks (medical practice) and wortbooks (medicinal herbals), which record various herbal remedies and the charms or incantations that go with them. We can guess that Norse medical practices would have been at least somewhat similar.

For instance, the Herbarium of Apuleius lists the various ills and the corresponding plant remedies known to the Anglo-Saxons. The Old English version of Medicina de Quadrupedibus of Sextus Placidus describes the use of various kinds of animals and their bodies in medicine. And there were many more.

The medical practitioners of late Anglo-Saxon England were apparently both physicians and surgeons, as shown by their descriptions of the kinds of ailments they are evidenced as treating. The majority were monastic; whether there were also lay medics is uncertain. Most Anglo-Saxon ecclesiastical foundations appear to have had an infirmary, where sick monks or nuns, or those who were about to die, were looked after. Some infirmaries may have tended lay people, but there do not appear to have been any hospitals in the later medieval sense.

Circa 1000 AD, a manuscript now known as Harley 585 (London, British Library) was produced in a monastic setting. This manuscript contains texts of three compilations in Old English: the Herbarium and the Medicina de Quadrupedibus, both translated from Latin, and the Lacnunga, which is a collection of remedies from diverse sources, some translated from Latin, some of native origin, some wholly rational, some containing Christian or folkloric incantations and rituals, and including four metrical charms. This is an invaluable store of information for someone wanting to know more about Anglo-Saxon medical practice and beliefs at the turn of the millenium. These texts are now available in modern English in a number of sources, most with commentary, and many with the Old English provided as well as the translation.

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Bibliography

Viking Medicine

• Brennu-Njáls saga. Netútgáfan. 1997. Accessed 20 November 2004.
  
  
• DaSent, George W., trans. The Story of Burnt Njal ("Njal's Saga"). London: 1861. WWW: The Online Medieval and Classical Library (OMACL), 1995. Accessed 20 November 2004.
  
  
• Droplaugarsona saga. Netútgáfan. 1997. Accessed 20 November 2004.
  
  
• Egils saga Skallagrímssonar. Netútgáfan. 1997. Accessed 20 November 2004.
  
  
• Ellis-Davidson, Hilda. Roles of the Northern Goddess. New York: Routledge. 1998.
  Buy this book today!
  
  
• Eyrbyggja saga. Netútgáfan. 1997. Accessed 20 November 2004.
  
  
• Fell, Christine, trans. Egil's Saga. London: J.M. Dent & Sons. 1975.
  Buy this book today!
  
  
• Foote, Peter and David M. Wilson. The Viking Achievement. London: Sidgewick and Jackson. 1970.
  Buy this book today!
  
  
• Fóstbræðra saga. Netútgáfan. 1997. Accessed 20 November 2004.
  
  
• Graham-Campbell, James. Viking Artefacts: A Select Catalog. London. 1980. no. 511.
  [Ribe Cranium (Den Antikvariske Samling, Ribe, Denmark. catalog #ASR 5M73).]
  
  
• Grøn, Fredrik. Altnordische Heilkunde. Harlem: Bohn, 1908.
  
  
• Harðar saga og Hólmverja. Netútgáfan. 1998. Accessed 20 November 2004.
  
  
• Harpestreng, Henrik. Sundhed. Tekster på latin med gloser og grammatik.
  [The Latin texts of Harpestreng's discussions of petroselinum (parsley), piper (pepper), rosa (rose), plantago (plantain), and galganum (galangale).]
  
  
• Hauge, Arild. "The Ribe Cranium". WWW: Arild Hauge Runic Inscription Pictures. 2002. Accessed 20 November 2004.
  
  
• Hollander, Lee M., trans. The Poetic Edda. Austin: University of Texas Press. 1962.
  Buy this book today!
  
  
• Hollander, Lee M., trans. The Sagas of Kormak and the Sworn Brothers. Princeton: Princeton Univ. Press. 1949.
  
  
• Jochens, Jenny M. Women in Old Norse Society. Ithaca: Cornell Univ. Press. 1995.
  Buy this book today!
  
  
• Kaiser, Charlotte. Krankheit und Krankheitsbewältigung in den Isländersagas: Medizinhistorischer Aspekt und Erzähltechnische Funktion. Köln. 1998. ISBN 398049604X.
  
  
• Klemming, G.E., ed., Läke- och Örte-Böcker från Sveriges Medeltid. Stockholm. 1883-6. (Swedish Medieval Leechbooks and Wortbooks).
  
  
• Kværndrup, Sigurd. "Harpestreng, Henrik," in: Medieval Scandinavia: An Encyclopedia. Phillip Pulsiano, et al., eds. Garland Reference Library of the Humanities 934. New York: Garland. 1993. pp. 269-270.
  Buy this book today!
  
  
• Larsen, Øivind. "Medicine and Medical Treatment," in: Medieval Scandinavia: An Encyclopedia. Phillip Pulsiano, et al., eds. Garland Reference Library of the Humanities 934. New York: Garland. 1993. p. 411.
  Buy this book today!
  
  
• Ljósvetninga saga. Netútgáfan. 1997. Accessed 20 November 2004.
  
  
• Morris, William and Eirikr Magnusson, trans. The Story of the Ere-Dwellers ("Eyrbyggja Saga"). London: Bernard Quaritch, 1892. WWW: The Online Medieval and Classical Library (OMACL), 1998. Accessed 20 November 2004.
  
  
• Magnusson, Magnus and Hermann Palsson, trans. Njal's Saga. Harmondsworth: Penguin. 1960.
  Buy this book today!
  
  
• Moltke, Eric. Runes and their Origin, Denmark and Elsewhere. Copenhagen. 1985. pp. 151-153, 346-349.
  [The Ribe Cranium, DR EM85;151B.]
  Buy this book today!
  
  
• Näaström, Britt-Mari. "Healing Hands and Magical Spells". in: Old Norse Myths, Literature and Society: Proceedings of the 11th International Saga Conference, 2-7 July 2000, University of Sydney. Eds Geraldine Barnes and Margaret Clunies Ross. Sydney, Australia: Centre for Medieval Studies, University of Sydney. 2000, pp. 356-362.
  
  
• Nelson, Robin S. "Wounded Viking". Grenadier Reviews of Andrea Miniatures. 2001. Accessed 20 November 2004.
  
  
• Nielsen, Niels Åge. Danske Runeindskrifter: Et udvalg med kommentarer. København: Hernovs Forlag. 1983. ISBN 87-7215-218-4. pp. 53ff.
  [The Ribe Cranium, DR EM85;151B.]
  Buy this book today!
  
  
• "Oddrúnargrátr". Sæmundar Edda: etter Sophus Bugge si utgåve frå 1867. Old Norse etexts Website. Accessed 21 November 2004.
  
  
• Palsson, Hermann and Paul Edwards, trans. Egil's Saga. Harmondsworth: Penguin. 1976.
  Buy this book today!
  
  
• Palsson, Hermann and Paul Edwards, trans. Eyrbyggja Saga. Buffalo: University of Toronto Press. 1973.
  Buy this book today!
  
  
• Roesdahl, Else. The Vikings. Harmondsworth: Penguin. 1987.
  Buy this book today!
  
  
• Snorri Sturluson. "Magnúss saga góða". Heimskringla. Netútgáfan. 1997. Accessed 20 November 2004.
  
  
• Snorri Sturluson. "Saga of Magnus the Good". In: Heimskringla: A History of the Norse Kings. Samuel Laing, trans. London: Norroena Society. 1844, 1907. WWW: The Online Medieval and Classical Library (OMACL), 1996. Accessed 20 November 2004.
  
  
• Snorri Sturluson. Heimskringla: Or the Lives of the Norse Kings. 1932; New York: Dover. 1990.
  Buy this book today!
  
  
• Snorri Sturluson. Heimskringla: History of the Kings of Norway. Lee M. Hollander, trans. Austin: University of Texas Press. 1964. Paperback 1991.
  Buy this book today!
  
  
• Stoklund, Marie. "The Ribe Cranium Inscription and the Scandinavian Transition to the Younger Reduced 'Futhark'." Frisian Runes and Neighbouring Traditions: Proceedings of the First International Symposium on Frisian Runes at the Fries Museum, Leeuwarden, 26-29 January 1994. eds. Tineke Looijenga and Arend Quak. Amsterdam-Atlanta GA: Rodopi. 1996. pp. 199-209.
  
  
• "Svipdagsmál II. Fjölsvinnsmál". Sæmundar Edda: etter Sophus Bugge si utgåve frå 1867. Old Norse etexts Website. Accessed 21 November 2004.
  
  
• "Oddrúnargrátr". Sæmundar Edda: etter Sophus Bugge si utgåve frå 1867. Old Norse etexts Website. Accessed 21 November 2004.
  
  
• Vopnfirðinga saga. Netútgáfan. 1998. Accessed 20 November 2004.
  
  

Other Northern European Medical Traditions

• Adams, J. N. and Marilyn Deegan. "Bald's Leechbook and the Physica Plinii." Anglo-Saxon England 21 (1992) pp. 87-114.
  
  
• Anglo-Saxon Metrical Charms. (Based on texts in G. Storms, below)
  [Reproduces the Old English text plus translation of a handful of the most pagan-seeming of the charms from some of the Anglo-Saxon medical documents.]
  
  
• Bonser, Wilfrid. "Anglo-Saxon Medical Nomenclature". English and Germanic Studies 4: 1951-2. pp. 13-19.
  
  
• Bonser, Wilfrid. The Medical Background of Anglo-Saxon England. London: Oxford University Press, 1963.
  
  
• Cameron, M. L. "Bald's Leechbook: Its Sources and Their Use in its Compilation" Anglo-Saxon England 12 (1983) pp. 153-82.
  
  
• Cameron, M.L. "Anglo-Saxon Magic and Medicine." Anglo-Saxon England vol. 17. Cambridge: University Press. 1988. pp.191-216.
  
  
• Cameron, M.L. "The Sources of Medical Knowledge in Anglo-Saxon England". Anglo-Saxon England 11:1983. pp. 135-55.
  
  
• Cameron, M.L. Anglo-Saxon Medicine. Cambridge Studies in Anglo-Saxon England, Vol 7. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 1993. To order from Amazon.com: http://www.amazon.com/exec/obidos/ASIN/0521405211/thevikinganswerl
  
  
• Cockayne, Oswald. Leechdoms, Wortcunning, and Starcraft of Early England: The History of Science Before the Norman Conquest. Chronicles and Memorials of Great Britain and Ireland During the Middle Ages Series. 3 Vols. London: Longman. 1864-1866. Reprint, October 2001. Thoemmes Press. Reprinted with a new introduction London, 1961.
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• D'Aronco, Maria Amalia "The Botanical Lexicon of the Old English Herbarium." Anglo-Saxon England 17 (1988) pp. 15-33.
  
  
• Grattan, John Henry Grafton and Charles Singer. Anglo-Saxon Magic and Medicine. London: Oxford Univrsity Press. 1952.
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• Green, Monica. "Women's Medical Practice and Healthcare in Medieval Europe." In: Sisters and Workers in the Middle Ages. eds. J.M. Bennett, et al. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. 1989.
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• Grendon, Felix. "The Anglo-Saxon Charms." Journal of American Folklore. 22 (1909): 105-237.
  
  
• Hill, Thomas D. "The Æcerbot Charm and its Christian User." Anglo-Saxon England 6 (1977) pp. 213-21.
  
  
• Holton, Frederick S. "Literary Tradition and the Old English Bee Charm." Journal of Indo-European Studies 21 (1993) pp. 37-53.
  
  
• Horden, P. "The Millennium Bug: Health and Medicine around the Year 1000." Social History of Medicine (13:2) Aug. 2000. pp. 201-219.
  
  
• Jolly, Karen Louise. Popular Religion in Late Saxon England: Elf Charms in Context. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press. 1996. (Discusses the relationship between the elf charms found in late Anglo-Saxon medical texts and the Christian culture that produced those texts. The Medieval Review has an excellent review of this book.
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• Jolly, Karen Louise. Anglo-Saxon Charms.
  [These are some samples from Dr. Jolly's book, listed above.]
  
  
• Lambert, C. "The Old English Medical Vocabulary." Proceedings of the Royal Society of Medicine 33:1940. pp. 137-45.
  
  
• Meaney, Audrey L. "The Practice of Medicine in England about the Year 1000." Social History of Medicine 13:2 (Aug. 2000). pp. 221-237.
  
  
• Meaney, Audrey L. "Variant Versions of Old English Medical Remedies and the Compilation of Bald's Leechbook" Anglo-Saxon England 13 (1984) pp. 235-68.
  
  
• Payne, J.F. English Medicine in the Anglo-Saxon Times. Oxford. 1904.
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• Perry, Susan. "Witch Woman-Healer in the Lacnunga: A Rhetorical Analysis." Dissertation.
  
  
• Pettit, Edward, ed. and trans. Polyglot Anglo-Saxon Remedies, Charms, and Prayers from British Library Ms Harley 585: the Lacnunga. Lewiston, N.Y.: E. Mellen Press, 2001.
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• Savage-Smith, E, and P. Horden. "Symposium on Medical Practice around the Year 1000." Social History of Medicine 14:3 (Dec. 2000). pp. 387-388.
  
  
• Storms, Godfrid. Anglo-Saxon Magic. The Hague: Martinus Nijhoff. 1948.
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• Talbot, C.H. "Some Notes on Anglo-Saxon Medicine." Medical History 9:1965. pp. 156-69.
  
  
• Voigts, Linda E. "Anglo-Saxon Plant Remedies and the Anglo-Saxons." Isis 70:1979. pp. 250-68.
  
  
• Weston, L.M.C. "Women's Medicine, Women's Magic: The Old English Metrical Childbirth Charms." Modern Philology 92 (1995) pp. 279-293.